Haji ulama yang dibiayai umat dan pergeseran makna hajiCommunity-funded scholarly hajj and the shifting meaning of pilgrimage
Pada masa lalu, masyarakat Aceh lazim menanggung bekal ulama atau calon ulama untuk naik haji, karena mereka dipandang paling layak dan ilmunya akan kembali kepada kampung. Haji sekaligus menjadi kesempatan mengaji di Masjidil Haram dan memperoleh ijazah. Kini haji dibiayai individu melalui tabungan dan antrean kuota, gelar Haji tidak lagi terkait dengan ilmu, dan sebagian kalangan dayah enggan belajar ke Arab Saudi karena persepsi tentang Wahabi.
In the past Acehnese communities commonly provisioned a scholar or would-be scholar for the hajj, since he was seen as most deserving and his learning would return to the village. The pilgrimage was also a chance to study at the Grand Mosque and obtain licences to teach. Today the hajj is financed by individuals through savings and quota queues, the title Haji is no longer tied to learning, and some dayah circles avoid studying in Saudi Arabia because of perceptions of Wahhabism.
Kesaksian Muhibuddin Waly tentang ayahnya, Abuya Muda Waly, menggambarkan pola ini: keberangkatan sang ulama bersama keluarga ke Tanah Suci didorong oleh masyarakat, dan semua keperluannya telah diatur. Kisah serupa dicatat M. Adli Abdullah tentang ayahnya, Tgk. Haji Abdullah al-Bawarith, yang perjalanannya dipersiapkan oleh masyarakat tempat ia mengabdikan ilmu. Dengan cara ini, bekal selama bermukim di Haramayn disiapkan kolektif, dan haji menjadi investasi komunitas dalam ilmu. Sang ulama memanfaatkan waktu sekitar tiga bulan, kadang lebih lama, untuk mengaji fikih, ushul, tafsir, dan hadis di Masjidil Haram, lalu pulang membawa ijazah yang memperkuat otoritasnya.
Pola pembiayaan ini berkaitan dengan cara orang Aceh menata harta. Kekayaan kampung diukur dengan baynah, yaitu emas, tanah, dan ternak, yang dilepas pada momen besar seperti merantau, menikahkan anak, kenduri, dan naik haji; bila hendak berhaji, emas dijual lebih dulu, lalu ternak, dan terakhir tanah. Ungkapan pelepasan bagi yang pergi jauh, ‘jak be let tapak, duk be let punggong’, mengingatkan bahwa di mana pun seseorang melangkah, wilayah kuasanya hanya selebar telapak kaki dan tempat duduknya.
Pada masa kini, kemampuan berhaji ditentukan oleh kecukupan dana pribadi, setoran ke bank, nomor porsi, dan antrean kuota yang bisa mencapai belasan hingga puluhan tahun. Gelar Teungku Haji, Cut Hajjah, Pak Haji, atau Ibu Haji tetap dipakai seumur hidup, tetapi tidak lagi berkaitan dengan kualitas ilmu yang diperoleh di Tanah Suci; tujuan haji menyempit menjadi pemenuhan rukun kelima dan kesalehan pribadi. Muncul pula pola baru: mahasiswa Aceh di Timur Tengah berhaji sambil bekerja sebagai petugas atau menghajikan orang lain, tanpa kenduri dan peusijuek yang lazim. Di sisi lain, sebagian kalangan dayah memandang Haramayn telah dikuasai paham Wahabi, sehingga enggan menuntut ilmu ke sana, sebuah pembalikan dari tradisi ulama terdahulu.
Muhibuddin Waly’s account of his father, Abuya Muda Waly, illustrates the pattern: the scholar’s journey with his family to the Holy Land was urged by the community, and all his needs were arranged. M. Adli Abdullah records a similar story about his father, Tgk. Haji Abdullah al-Bawarith, whose journey was prepared by the community he served with his learning. Provisions for residence in the Haramayn were thus collective, and the hajj became a community investment in knowledge. The scholar used his roughly three months, sometimes longer, to study fiqh, legal theory, exegesis and hadith at the Grand Mosque, returning with licences that strengthened his authority.
This financing pattern relates to how Acehnese organise wealth. Village wealth is reckoned as baynah, gold, land and livestock, released at major moments such as migrating, marrying off a child, holding feasts and performing the hajj; for the hajj, gold is sold first, then livestock and finally land. The parting words for one who travels far, ‘jak be let tapak, duk be let punggong’, remind travellers that wherever they go, their domain is only as wide as their footprint and their seat.
Today the ability to go on hajj depends on personal funds, bank deposits, a queue number and quota waits of a decade or more. The titles Teungku Haji, Cut Hajjah, Pak Haji or Ibu Haji are still used for life, but no longer relate to learning acquired in the Holy Land; the purpose of the hajj narrows to fulfilling the fifth pillar and personal piety. A new pattern has also appeared: Acehnese students in the Middle East perform the hajj while working as pilgrimage staff or performing it on behalf of others, without the customary feast and peusijuek blessing. Meanwhile some dayah circles regard the Haramayn as dominated by Wahhabism and avoid studying there, a reversal of the tradition of earlier ulama.
Gagasan kunciKey ideas
Haji sebagai investasi kolektifHajj as collective investment
Komunitas membiayai ulama karena ilmunya menjadi milik bersama.Communities funded scholars because their learning became a shared asset.
Dari ilmu ke statusFrom knowledge to status
Gelar Haji bertahan, tetapi makna keilmuannya memudar.The title Haji persists, but its scholarly meaning fades.
Pembalikan arahA reversal
Persepsi Wahabi membuat sebagian kalangan dayah menjauh dari Haramayn sebagai tempat belajar.Perceptions of Wahhabism lead some dayah circles to shun the Haramayn as a place of study.
Posisi dalam kerangkaPlace in the framework
Tokoh, lembaga, dan konsep yang paling dekat dengan entri ini, beserta sifat hubungannya.The figures, institutions and concepts closest to this entry, and how they relate to it.
Pertanyaan reflektifReflective question
Dapatkah tradisi membiayai haji ulama dihidupkan kembali dalam bentuk beasiswa komunitas untuk studi Islam?Could the tradition of funding scholars’ hajj be revived as community scholarships for Islamic study?
Kutip entri ini:Cite this entry: “Haji ulama yang dibiayai umat dan pergeseran makna haji”, Acehnologi — Gerbang Studi AcehAceh Studies Gateway, https://acehnologi.com/entri/haji-ulama-dibiayai-umat/